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Tarek Fatah |
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Terrorism is the unconventional use of
violence for political gain. In legalese, it is a strategy of using
coordinated attacks that fall outside the
laws of war commonly understood
to represent the bounds of
conventional warfare.
Before the advent of
modern democracy and the end of monarchy as system of governance, one
could safely say that what we refer to as terrorism today, was the norm.
If a group wished to change a dynasty or remove a theocratic order, and
sometimes these two were one and the same, the only, and I repeat, THE
ONLY means available to effect such change were the tools of terror and
violence.
This applied to whole
world, perhaps with the exception of the North American First Nations
where the tradition of the long house and matriarchal societies were the
norm. Otherwise, Europe, Asia and Africa; Hindu, Muslim or Christian
societies lived through violent times filled with terror every time
political or religious change was made.
However, this being a
predominantly Muslim audience, please allow me to focus on Muslim
societies. Our religious and political history is sprinkled with
terrorism as a means of achieving power. The manifestations of terrorist
activity to effect change are in fact part of our collective heritage,
going back to the assassinations of our earliest Khalifas, the one we
refer to as our Khulfa Rashidoon and the era that we idolize as the
Golden period of Islam.
The murder of Ali Ibn
Abu Talib by the Islamic fundamentalists of that time, the Kharijites,
done outside the realm of regular warfare, is in my opinion one of the
most glaring examples of terrorism.
And the slaughter in
Karbala of the Prophet’s progeny was not simply to settle a religious
dispute, but to settle once and for all the political claims and counter
claims of the bani Umayyad and the bani Hashem. The scars left by that
act of terrorism have not yet healed the body politic of Islam to this
day, and may stay with us for times immemorial.
Closer to home, as
most of us are South Asians; we sometimes fail to recognize how
terrorism shaped our history in the sub continent. Whether it was the
terrorism inflicted by Mahmud of Ghazni on the Hindus of Gujarat and
Sindh or the reign of terror by Aurangzeb who murdered his elder brother
Dara Shikoh to capture power, the lives ordinary people and their
religion was shaped dramatically by the power struggles and the
terrorism that was used to effect change.
Elsewhere, in Egypt, a
predominantly Shia country in the 11th century, home to the
Fatimide dynasty and the Shia school of learning, Al Azhar, in a matter
of one generation shifted to Sunni Islam and today ,not a trace of
shiaism can be found there. How did this happen? A Kurdish Sunni
gentleman by the name of Salahuddin Ayubi, long before his triumph over
the Crusaders, wiped out the Fatimides in an act of terrorism on fellow
Muslims that today would create howls of horror. The Fatimides or the
fatimaeen, were chased from city to city, ended up in Yemen and guess
where they found refuge? India.
Today, there remnants
are the Ismailis and the Dawoodi Bohras; sects of Islam, so traumatized
by terror, that they are unique in there lack of ambition to dominate
the Muslim narrative.
If the Sunni terrorism
changed Shia Egypt, wait till you hear what the Safavids did to Sunni
Persia? Within a hundred years, the people of Iran had gone from a Sunni
majority nation to an almost 100% Shia country.
I give these as
examples to show that acts of terrorism not only changed political
power, but also the religion of people, en masse.
Now it was not just
Muslims who were involved in these acts of terrorism. Right up to the 18th
century, all power shifts, irrespective of religion, were conducted by
warfare, killings, assassinations and the ingredients that make up
terrorism today.
The moment early
Christianity wrapped its cloak around The Roman Empire, the religion of
the people of the empire changed with it. The pagan religions of Europe
only exist in mythology today and nowhere do people talk about Zeus as
if he was a real God.
Because terrorism was
the norm, it was what the people accepted as part of their lives. In
fact literature of the times does not talk of terrorism at all. The
bloodbaths of Baghdad by the Mongols, the slaughter in Jerusalem by the
crusaders, the sacking of Muslim Delhi by Nadir Shah from Iran or Abdali
from Afghanistan, were accepted as mere spikes in the violence that
governed political change and our daily lives.
Right up to the end of
the 18th century and the dawn of the age of reason and
revolution in Europe, terrorism was the accepted instrument of power.
Both, political and religious, which were most times, one and the same,
rarely different.
However, by the end of
the 18th century Europe and North America take their first
steps towards democracy; a system of governance that bypassed most of
Africa and Asia until recently.
The American
Revolution and later the French revolution brought to an end to the
concept of royal dynasties. One ended the rule of the British King in
the new US while in the other; a bloodier one, the French revolution put
an end to the monarchy in Paris.
What had been the norm
for thousands of years came to an end in these two countries. No more
could single families’ rule on the basis of lineage; no more did
competing families vie for power by hoping to kill the ruler and impose
a new order of nobility. The early concept of republican democracy had
been born.
The fact that the
death of monarchist rule and the development of early capitalism go hand
in hand, but would require a separate talk on its own.
In fact, the term
Terrorism dates from the Reign of Terror (1793-94) in the French
Revolution but has taken on additional meaning in the 20th century.
Contemporary Terrorism
involves activities such as assassinations, bombings, random killings,
and hijackings. Used for political, not military, purposes, and most
typically by groups too weak to mount open assaults, it is a modern tool
of the alienated, and its psychological impact on the public has
increased because of extensive coverage by the media.
Of course, state
terrorism inflicted by democratic countries on occupied nations, be it
in Palsetine, Kashmir, Chechnya or the Western Sahara and Kurdistan, is
the other manifestations of unbridled power where the victims cannot
effect democratic change in the occupying country’s leadership. They,
then respond with their own form of terrorism. The point being that both
forms of terrorism do not find acceptance as the normative.
According to
definition of terrorism
typically used by states, academics, counter-terrorism experts, and
non-governmental organizations, "terrorists" are actors who don't belong
to any recognized armed forces, or who don't adhere to their rules, and
who are therefore regarded as "rogue actors".
This has now involved
the use of private armies employed by states to inflict terror without
having to account for it.
Because of the above pejorative
connotations, those accused of being "terrorists" rarely identify
themselves as such, and instead typically use terms that reference their
ideological or ethnic struggle, such as:
separatist,
freedom fighter, liberator,
militant,
paramilitary,
guerrilla,
rebel,
Jihadi and Mujahideen or
fedayeen .
Despite the democratic
changes of the later 18th century in Europe, terrorism
continued to be the tool for political change or the demand for
political change right up to the early 20th century.
Whether it was Lenin’s
brother trying to blow up the Czar’s train in 1905 or the numerous
insurrection throughout Europe following or preceding the publishing of
the Communist manifesto 150 years ago, terrorism became a tool of the
working class and their political parties who witnessed the life of
Oliver Twist not through the pages of a Dickens novel, but as reality
where capitalism destroyed lives while democracy failed to deliver the
correction.
Chairman Mao had not
yet uttered the words, “power flows through the barrel of a gun,” but
the working poor, anarchists and other revolutionaries in cities across
Europe, had started localized revolts. These cities, while flourishing
with profits from the colonized Asia and Africa, had become breeding
grounds for revolutions with the millions of deprived citizens, living
amidst the massive wealth being generated by the ruling classes from
their control of Asia and Africa. The most famous of these revolts was
the failed Paris Commune.
Then came the event
that the American journalist John Reed would label as "10 Days
that shook the World." It was the 1917 Bolshevik Revolution, the
ultimate triumph of a people rebelling against an established order and
channeling the use of terrorism towards a single-minded goal of
destroying the ruling monarchy. Today, the Bolshevik revolution, its
causes and its effects, are being erased from our collective
consciousness and history, as if it never happened.
However, I suggest we
are on the threshold of another convulsion; this time Albert Rhy
Williams may have to write, 10 minutes that destroyed the world.
Today, terrorism is
again rising to challenge the established order, except this time it is
not a terrorism that aims at power or has an agenda to improve, or at
least pretend to improve the lives of people on earth. This new terror
is a monster that was created by the CIA to fight communism, but has
turned on it very creator; the USA.
This terrorism and its
political wing, more like the IRA and Sinn Fein, are not in this for
their own power, but to supposedly bring God’s law on earth and to
prepare for the Armageddon.
Be it the Christian
Right in the US or the Islamic Right in the form of Al-Qaeda, the Saudi
funded salafis or the Iranian ayatollahs, both are racing towards each
other headlong in what Tariq Ali refers to as the Clash of
Fundamentalisms.
In this clash,
religion itself is the primary weapon of choice and consequences for all
of us quite frightening.
Sam Harris is an
author who has written a book, The End of Faith, a deeply critical
analysis of the role of religion in contemporary society. In the book
Sam Harris pleads for an age of reason that will render religious faith
as archaic as the worship of Odin or Zeus. He says religious myths must
die if we are to survive as a species
Now this may alarm
many of us but Harris argues that without the taking out of religion
from the public domain, we are headed of a catastrophe.
While Marx, the
19th-century political philosopher derided religion as the "opium of the
people," Sam Harris, says organized faith is more like crack cocaine,
and its fruits every bit as ruinous. And we must quit the pipe, cold
turkey, before it's too late.
Sam Harris may have
taken an extreme view, but what he articulates fiercely and fearlessly
is what more and more people are thinking, but few are willing to say in
polite company, which, in the words of a respected writer on the Toronto
Star’s Religion page, is that “religious faith is not only blind, but
deaf, mute, absurd, irrational, and threatens our very existence.”
Harris lists about two
dozen violent conflicts around the world, which pit one religion against
another. On the Indian subcontinent, for example, more than 1 million
Muslims and Hindus have died in three official wars and continuous
bloodletting between India and Pakistan, both nuclear powers.
While religious
pluralists - in these cases as in other hot spots - may cite failed
diplomacy, "in truth," writes Harris, "the entire conflict is born of an
irrational embrace of myth." These are just two countries poised to
exterminate each other "because they disagree about the `facts' that are
every bit as fanciful as the names of Santa's reindeer."
In the last year,
because of the defeat of the Hindu nationalists in New Delhi and because
of the desire of General Musharraf to live longer than Islamists would
want him to, the temperature between the two countries has cooled.
However, the myths of Muslims and Hindus persist about each other. The
classic example of such myths are the denial of by many South Asian
Muslims of their Indian origin, claiming instead to be of Arab, Persian
or Turkic origin, and the denial by Hindu fundamentalists of the
Indianness of Islam. Both myths feed on each other the way Bush and Bin
Laden do so well.
While talking of
religion and terrorism, one should not forget the million who died in
Rwanda in 1994, in less than a month of bloodletting, goaded on by
Catholic Nuns while other religious groups looked the other way. Not to
speak of the Jewish Holocaust when six million were killed while the
Catholic Church stood silent.
Myths die hard, Harris
realizes, but he says die they must if we are to survive as a species.
If not, and as long as it is acceptable for someone to believe that he
knows how God wants everyone on Earth to live, "we will continue to
murder one another on account of our myths," he adds.
He calls his book "an
argument for intellectual honesty. It's only on matters of religion that
we allow people to pretend to be certain of things they are not certain
about."
The book delivers a
hammer blow to fundamentalists of all stripes, but also to moderates.
Religious moderation, Harris argues, betrays both faith and reason
equally. Moderates are, in large part, responsible for religious strife
"because their beliefs provide the context in which scriptural
literalism and religious violence can never be adequately opposed" - all
thanks to the sacredness in which we hold tolerance.
"We need to be more
intolerant across the board," he offers. "One of the taboos I'm breaking
in my book - and it's more of a taboo among moderates than
fundamentalists - is noticing the differences among religions. We have
this multicultural, politically correct notion that there's no place to
stand where you can rigorously criticize another person's faith."
While Harris doesn't
deny that religions carry a large moral component, he believes one does
not have to be religious in order to be moral. "I don't think everyday
morality requires any irrationality. The morality of societies that are
far more atheistic than my own attest to this."
So, in the words of
Lenin, who remarkably put into practice the Karl Marx’s call to arms,
“What is to be Done”
In my opinion, if we
don’t guarantee social justice, if we can’t ensure individual liberties,
if are incapable of instituting liberalism and democracy, if we cannot
accept universal human rights as fundamental to any laws, we are in for
unending terrorism, both at the state level as well as at hands of
religious extremists.
The fight to combat
terrorism cannot take place without the separation of religion and
state. As long as people demand that citizenship be based on inherited
religion or inherited race, Christians, Jews, Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs,
and yes, even Buddhists, will glorify violence in the name of the
creator and subjugate religious and racial minorities at will.
The end of terrorism
is possible, but it will take a lot of people a long time to convince a
lot of other people that there are no chosen people on earth; that
racial and religious superiority is an insult to human intellect and
reason.
This requires just not
good intentions or one-to-one education and such seminars, but direct
involvement in political parties and groups involved in
extra-parliamentary opposition. Without political organizing and getting
down and dirty to campaign against US led imperialism on one hand, and
Islamofascism emanating from Saudi Arabia and Iran, on the other,
efforts to combat terrorism will not succeed.
Any effort to address
only one aspect of the equation must and should be viewed with
suspicion. Those attacking US imperialism, while staying silent on the
threat posed to civil society by the followers of Khomeini and Bin
Laden, need to be confronted and exposed.
Similarly, people who
blindly follow the counterparts of the Islamofascists, the Bush-Cheney-Rumsfields
of this world who claim to be waging the so-called “War on Terrorism”,
should be exposed. They are not fighting a “War on Terrorism”, they ARE
the instruments through which terrorism is being inflicted on the rest
of the world. It is they who gave us Bin Laden and his bunch of goons.
In Tariq Ali’s words,
this is a clash of fundamentalisms, and without a double critique of the
two sides inflicting terrorism, we are bound to fail in our fight to
combat terrorism.
But, before the first
step is taken, we will have to answer the painfully tough questions Sam
Harris asks. Among them, why have we given up on Zeus and Odin if we
continue to believe in God or Allah? And whoever we believe in, why does
this creator, the almighty and all-powerful, allows us through his
divine texts to kill in his name?
In conclusion, I urge
you ladies and gentlemen to organize politically, not in NGOs, but with
community groups and inside political parties and raise your voice
against the rhetoric coming from Bush and Bin Laden. To do otherwise,
would be inexcusable.